Chapter 353 Deliberate Uprising

After Alexander II succeeded to the throne, he launched reforms in the country. In order to win the support of the Poles, his rule in Poland was eased.

The tsarist government pardoned Polish political prisoners, allowing the formation of Polish medical schools and agricultural associations in Warsaw.

In 1863, Alexander II restored the Council of Faith and Public Education, which had been abolished twenty years earlier. At the same time, the tsarist government also allowed the convening of a conference of state representatives. (consulting nature)

(Note: Alexander II's succession time was delayed, and the reform time was also delayed. Many times in the book have changed from history)

These concessions by the tsarist government satisfied the Polish bourgeoisie and nobles. The convening of the State Congress gives them a channel to influence domestic politics.

Happiness has always been compared. Compared with the reform of the tsarist government and the reform of Austria more than ten years ago, they are much happier than their counterparts in Galicia.

You must know that during the European Revolution in 1848, the nobles and capitalists in Galicia were too active, so most of them were hacked to death by the rioting peasants, and the remaining half were involved in the rebellion and were dealt with by the Vienna government. Lost.

Those who survived were either cautious, or the diehard Habsburg family, who stood firmly on the side of the emperor.

There is a lesson in the past, and the expectations of the nobles and capitalists in Russian Poland have been lowered. If the Tsar and the imperial government tear their faces, they believe that the consequences will definitely be more serious.

At least the Vienna government would find a reasonable excuse to do it within the rules, which the Tsarist government did not need.

Franz is the master who bullies the soft and fears the hard, and most of the people who kill himself are unfounded and notorious capitalists.

For the nobles, it is usually forced to buy land, and the title will be deprived if the circumstances are serious.

The compromise between the Tsarist government and the Poles aroused the attention of governments in Berlin and Vienna, and many feared that it was a prelude to Russian expansion in Europe.

The Vienna government is nothing more than that. Austria's strength is not what it used to be, and there is a Russian-Austrian alliance. The probability of the Russians' big moves against Austria is infinitely zero.

The Berlin government will not be able to. In the eyes of anti-Russians, the Russian-Polish compromise is closely related to the tsarist government's plan to seize the territory of universal Poland.

It is uncertain when the plan was first drawn up. In the First Pudan War, whether intentionally or not, the Tsarist government leaked its plans to seize Universal Poland.

Because of the existence of this plan, after Austria launched the unification war, the Kingdom of Prussia hesitated to take action and missed the opportunity to annex North Germany.

At that time, the tsarist government deployed 200,000 troops on the border between the two countries, and Nicholas I also specially sent people to incite Prussia to take action.

No way, Mao Xiong's reputation is too bad. There is also the Russian-Austrian alliance, and the Berlin government is worried that once the main force is dispatched, it will be jointly attacked by Russia and Austria.

The Vienna government also had a plan for Russia and Austria to divide Prussia. Although it was only a smoke bomb released by Franz, the Berlin government dared not gamble.

Fighting in the homeland, whether in the face of the Austrian attack or the Russian attack, the Kingdom of Prussia can support it for a long time, waiting for the intervention of European countries.

Cross-border warfare is different. The Kingdom of Prussia has not yet displayed the invincible momentum of the later generations. The performance in the first Pudan War made the Berlin government have no confidence.

After learning that the tsarist government and the Poles had compromised, the Berlin government immediately started public relations, hoping that the tsarist government would change its stance on the Poles.

Prime Minister Frank said to people in private: "I sympathize with the situation of the Poles, but we also have to survive, there is no way but to let them die."

His attitude was also the position of the Prussian government, and he tried his best to break the compromise between the Tsarist government and the Poles, which became the national policy of the Prussian government.

In the mid-sixties, Polish society in the Conference Kingdom faced two choices.

First, cooperate with the tsarist government, which can bring some relief to national oppression, as well as some incomplete social reforms.

Second, cooperate with the Russian Revolutionary Movement Organization, and work together to overthrow the rule of the tsarist government.

Obviously, although choosing the second method can get funding from European countries, the success rate of the rebellion has never been high, and the possibility of becoming a hero is far greater than the possibility of becoming a hero, not the choice of the proletariat.

The Polish independence movement organization was unable to win the support of the nobles and capitalists, and they turned to win over workers and peasants.

Under the manipulation of the British, as early as the end of 1862, the Polish Independence Organization and the Russian Revolutionary Organization signed an agreement to jointly oppose the rule of the tsarist government.

The agreement stipulated that in the event of an uprising by the Polish Independence Organization, the Russian Revolutionary Organization would provide them with support and, at the right time, an uprising at home.

After the tsarist government compromised with Poland in 1863, the Kingdom of Prussia also joined the ranks of supporting the Polish Independence Organization. They secretly helped the Polish Independence Organization train the army and allowed the Prussian Poles to renounce their nationality and join the revolutionary organization.

As for the French, another supporter of the Polish Revolutionary Organization, the two sides hooked up as early as 1848. The internationalist French once wanted to organize an expedition to help Poland become independent.

Alexander II's reforms also aroused concern in Britain and France. Under the butterfly effect of Franz, the tsarist government won the war in the Near East and seized Constantinople, the Russians were more threatened than history

Up more than one notch.

The Russian Empire, which is still in the feudal era, is so powerful. If they can complete the capitalist social reform, then what is it?

The British are worried that if Russia continues to grow stronger, it will threaten their position of world hegemony, especially the Indian region will be threatened by the Russians at any time.

The French regard the Russians as the biggest obstacle to European hegemony. As for Austria next door, at least it seems that no Russians can fight.

This is the experience left by our ancestors. No matter how strong the Habsburg dynasty is, France will eventually win. With a sense of superiority cultivated for hundreds of years, Napoleon III decided to engage the Russians first.

Britain, France and Prussia all want to engage the Russians, and it is best to interrupt Alexander II's reforms and split the Russian Empire.

What everyone in Europe except Russia agrees on is that a divided and weak Russia is the best Russia.

After having three supporters from Britain, France, and Prussia, the power of the Polish Independence Organization has grown rapidly since 1863. Finally, everyone felt that they were almost ready, and the Polish War of Independence broke out.

This time the Poles are quite confident, and the lineup standing behind them is definitely the most luxurious version in history.

Except for Britain, France and Prussia, most countries in Europe sympathize with or support Poland's independence, and even the Russian allies sympathize with Poland.

The specific performance is that the Polish Independence Organization raised a donation of one million Aegis in Austria, which was not blocked by the Vienna government.

Franz, a behind-the-scenes supporter of the Polish Independence Organization, had no interest in knowing. It's all Russian trouble anyway, so he doesn't need to care.

He knew nothing about the plans of the Junkers nobles. This is not the incompetence of the intelligence organization, but this kind of thing that has nothing to do with Austria's interests, and it is not worth using the spies who have finally been inserted into the Prussian government.

Because of the relationship between the Russian-Austrian alliance, when the countries conspired, they avoided Austria's bright eyes.

The eyeliner in the dark was buried with great difficulty. Of course, it is impossible to transmit this kind of information, after all, every information transmission is a risk.

From beginning to end, Franz regarded the Polish uprising as an ordinary independence movement.

The support of foreign forces is inevitable. As long as an uprising is launched in the Russian Empire in this era, there will be no lack of selfless support from international friends.

Franz did not know, and neither did Alexander II of St. Petersburg. The relationship with the powerful factions in Poland has just been eased, and the capitalists and nobles have been attracted. The rebellion that has broken out now has naturally not attracted the attention of the tsarist government.

Almost every once in a while, there will be a rebellion in Poland, and the Russians have long been used to it. If there have been no riots in three or five years, then be careful, the Poles are making big moves.

By habit, the tsarist government simply ordered the local government to suppress the rebellion.

Alexander II's reforms have achieved phased results. After the abolition of serfdom, Russia's industry and commerce have developed rapidly.

Don't get me wrong, this rapid development mainly refers to the substantial increase in industrial production capacity. However, the industrial production capacity has increased, but the quality has not changed greatly, and it is still in a disadvantageous position in the market competition.

Chinese people would rather use expensive imported products than domestic products. During this period, Russian industrial products had the common problem of being stupid and crude. It was not easy to use them. The key point was that they were not cheap.

Because of the relationship between domestic transportation, the cost of raw material transportation in Russia is directly high, which in turn leads to high production costs.

Trouble is coming, industrial products are manufactured, but unfortunately they cannot be sold in the market. In particular, mechanical equipment is completely unsalable.

Despite the tsarist government's repeated increases in tariff prices, it was still of no use. Some people even ridiculed that the industrial equipment produced in Russia could not compete with handicrafts.

This is an exaggeration, and no matter how efficient it is, it is higher than pure manual labor. Of course, given the low labor prices in Russia and the high defective rate of machinery and equipment, it is really unknown which is the higher or lower final cost.

In Chekov's literary works, it is mentioned that screws produced by Russian machine tools require manual secondary grinding when they are used.

This may not be an exaggeration. In the Russo-Japanese War, some artillery shells had errors in the caliber, and they needed to be polished by soldiers before they could be loaded and fired normally.

The weapons in the army are so improvised, and the civilian products are perfunctory, which is even less worth mentioning. In short, nineteenth-century Russian goods were the epitome of shoddy manufacture.

The domestic market cannot be sold, and the international market is even less popular. In this context, the tsarist government decided to use its guns to find export markets for industrial and commercial products.

In the summer of 1864, Alexander II approved plans for the expansion of the War Department in Central Asia, and the recent Polish uprising was ignored.