Chapter 40 Conflict Escalation

In New York, the staff in the Plaza Hotel are racing against time to make final preparations for the arrival of distinguished guests. In order to take over the reservation from the US State Department, the rooms on the top two floors of the Plaza Hotel have not been opened to the public for nearly a month. Not only that, several of the largest suites were also required by the staff of the State Council to change the wallpaper and interior decoration, and one of the largest suites was also required to install tatami mats.

The reception this time made the employees of the Plaza Hotel cheer up, whether it was the hotel waiters, cleaners, or chefs. As long as they were involved in the specific tasks of this reception, everyone was checked out by the secret service personnel from Washington.

It has been a long time since the Plaza Hotel has held an event of this standard. Even the last time the king of a certain country in the Middle East stayed at the Plaza Hotel, the requirements were not so strict. However, the Secret Service obviously didn't think that the owner of the hotel would notice this matter, and also reported their every move to the Deputy Minister of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation of the Soviet Union.

Ever since his confrontation with Ligachev, Seryozha has been in a very dangerous situation. Ligachev even brought this matter to a regular meeting of the Central Committee for discussion. But what Ligachev didn't expect was that there were two more people who sang the ring face to face with him on the Central Committee. Those two people were none other than the former Soviet Minister of Construction Yali who was once saddened by him. Qin, and Yakovlev, who was under him but served as the propaganda minister of the CPSU Central Committee.

Why is it called the former Minister of Construction, because Yeltsin has been promoted, he replaced Grishin who was forced to retire, and was adjusted by Gorbachev from the Ministry of Construction to the position of Secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee. He also served as the secretary of the Central Secretariat of the Soviet Communist Party and an alternate member of the Politburo, and was promoted to the ranks of state leaders.

It stands to reason that Yeltsin is now Ligachev's direct subordinate, and Yeltsin should not criticize his boss. But there is one account Yeltsin knew, that is, after he became secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee, the Workers' New Village still had to go on. The financing is inseparable from the support of the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation. If the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation is controlled by Ligachev, then Yeltsin's new workers' village may be unfinished. So after weighing the pros and cons, Yeltsin took the initiative to stand on Sergei's side.

In addition to Yeltsin, Yakovlev, the propaganda minister of the CPSU Central Committee, had conflicts with Ligachev on the Central Committee. As the secretary of the Central Secretariat, Ligachev is in charge of all the work of the Secretariat. The Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was naturally also within Ligachev's purview.

As the chief planner of Gorbachev's political reforms, Yakovlev has always advocated comprehensive opening up in the ideological field, especially on some historically sensitive issues, so that the domestic people have the full right to know. These views of Yakovlev were supported by many young officials. But Ligachev was not among them.

Seryozha was a banner among the young cadres and an important ally of Yakovlev under Secretary Gorbachev. Since the political status of Ligachev and Seriosha was too different, Yakovlev took the responsibility of counterattacking Ligachev.

Against this background, the regular meetings of the CPSU Central Committee Secretariat and the Central Committee turned into a battlefield between the liberal faction represented by Yeltsin and Yakovlev and the conservative faction represented by Ligachev . Gorbachev watched the development of the situation silently from behind, and was not in a hurry to make a ruling on this dispute.

With two big brothers in front to shield him from the wind and rain, Serezha's pressure is much less. The most important thing is that this incident made Ligachev's face extremely ugly. However, he did not dare to push this matter to General Secretary Gorbachev, because that would not only make him appear incompetent, but more importantly, Sergey was Gorbachev's man.

Not being able to move Seryosha does not mean that Ligachev really has no choice. He asked for the list of senior officials from the Foreign Trade Bank and the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation from the Organization Department.

One by one, the key figures who can break through the fortress of Seryozha from the inside. Soon one name caught Ligachev's interest.

"What is the relationship between this Yegor Gaidar and Ulyanov?" Ligachev asked his subordinates after the name of the chief economist of the Foreign Trade Bank on the obsession list.

"He! He is my classmate in the same class of Moscow University. Before entering the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation, he served as a senior adviser to the State Economic Reform Commission. Hou Yakovlev admired him very much at that time, but he himself was still in the Soviet Academy of Sciences. , There is no way to use this person, so I introduced him to Ulyanov..." Ligachev's staff officer explained for Ligachev.

"So, this Ulyanov thinks highly of him?" Ligachev asked with some disappointment.

"No, just the opposite! When I had dinner with him last time, he told me that Ulyanov did not reuse him, but let him bear the name of chief economist, but he could only contribute to Ulyanov's economy. Policies create public opinion in the newspapers. If the secretary can give him a chance, I believe he will join us!" the staff officer told Ligachev.

"When are you free, invite him out for dinner again! Ask him to help us investigate what's going on with the Foreign Trade Bank. I always feel that this Ulyanov is doing everything possible to obstruct our audit of the Foreign Trade Bank." There is an ulterior secret behind it!" Ligachev told the staff.

"Secretary, this Yegor Gaidar is a cunning guy, and although he has no rights in the Foreign Trade Bank, he is treated well! I'm afraid Gaidar in an ordinary position will not easily join us!" the staff officer said to Ligachev.

"That's it!" Ligachev became a little disappointed. Now in Moscow's official circles, no one knows that the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation is the best among all ministries and commissions. Not to mention Yegor Gaidar as an executive of the Foreign Trade Bank. Ligachev's main job is to be in charge of the affairs of the party. Although he has great power, his financial resources are incomparable. Ligachev thought for a while, and finally said to his staff: "Tell him, if he can bring us valuable clues, I will let him become the deputy editor-in-chief!"

The staff officer swallowed enviously, nodded and said yes, then turned and left Ligachev's office. After coming out, the staff officer returned to his office in a daze. He closed the door and slumped on the chair, regretting why he introduced Yegor Gaidar to Ligachev. This is all right, I will soon take the position of deputy editor-in-chief, only one step away from the Central Committee member. Why couldn't Secretary Ligachev give himself such an opportunity? ...

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